What Is the Future of the TCJA?
On Nov. 5, 2024, Donald Trump was elected the 47th president of the United States. His win, alongside a majority-GOP House and Senate, increases the chance of a straight extension of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA).
Passed as a reconciliation bill in 2017 under a Republican-led Congress, the TCJA was the largest tax rehaul in three decades, which made significant changes to marginal and corporate tax rates, deductions, depreciation, credits, and other tax items.
With GOP control, lawmakers are projected to preserve and extend as much of the 2017 tax law as possible, including the 199A deduction and estate tax exemption, which primarily benefit high net-worth individuals.
Legislators, however, will need to balance Trump’s campaign promises – such as lowering the corporate tax rate to 15% – with a ballooning federal deficit. Without offsets, Trump’s proposed tax plan would increase the debt by $7.75 trillion through 2035, according to the U.S. Budget Watch.
[On-demand webinar: A Bloomberg Tax practice lead joins three tax and policy experts to discuss the future of the TCJA and the possible impacts on companies, revenue, and individuals. Watch the replay.]
What did the TCJA do?
The goal of the TCJA was to stimulate economic growth and simplify the tax code for businesses and individuals.
By lowering the corporate tax rate to 21% from 35%, Republican lawmakers argued that a more favorable tax environment would incentivize businesses to expand U.S. operations and make them more competitive in the global market.
For individuals and families, the standard deduction and maximum child tax credit were doubled, which was intended to lower their tax burden.
However, the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) estimates that the TCJA will add $1.5 trillion to the federal deficit over the next 10 years. If further extended post-2025, the law will cost $4.6 trillion over a decade, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO).
Will the TCJA be extended?
With a Republican-led Congress and White House, GOP lawmakers are aiming to once again to use the reconciliation process to extend the TCJA. Reconciliation bills bypass typical filibuster rules and require only a simple majority of 51 votes in the Senate.
Provisions must comply with the Byrd Rule, which prohibits reconciliation legislation from raising the deficit beyond a 10-year budget window or making changes to Social Security.
Since lawmakers have not yet adopted a budget resolution for FY25, congressional leaders could turn to the 2025 and 2026 budget frameworks to prepare for reconciliation packages in the first year of the 119th Congress.
What would a reconciliation bill look like?
In this clip, tax experts discuss budget reconciliation do’s and don’ts and what a reconciliation bill could look like in 2025. Watch the full replay.
What will be the source of funding for TCJA extensions?
President-elect Trump has called for 60% tariffs on Chinese imports and 20% on imports from other nations – a move that most economists say would hike up consumer prices. Trump’s tariff proposals have received lukewarm response from Republicans in Congress who remain wary of the potential economic repercussions.
Green energy tax credits from the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act may be eyed as offsets to extend the TCJA’s provisions. Yet, that approach could be a tough sell among Republicans representing districts where these energy tax credits fueled big projects.
House Democrats will push for more of the bill to be offset, alongside some GOP budget hawks. But many lawmakers subscribe to the refuted notion of pay-fors – that provisions will pay-for-themselves with economic growth.
How does the TCJA affect businesses?
Businesses of all sizes have been impacted by the TCJA. Large corporations benefit from a lower corporate tax rate of 21% from the former 35%. Certain small and medium-sized businesses can claim a 20% pass-through deduction to reduce their owners’ effective tax rate on the business’ net income.
With Republicans securing legislative control, lawmakers are likely to extend many provisions. However, some concessions will need to be made in order to balance tax cuts with deficit concerns and spending needs. The following sections discuss key business provisions in more depth.
Corporate tax rate
The TCJA reduced the corporate tax rate to 21% flat from a maximum of 35%, a rate it had been since 1993. This rate is not subject to expiration, unless Congress makes an affirmative change.
While on the campaign trail, Trump stated that he intends to further lower the corporate tax rate to 15% for companies that make their products in America. Although this idea is meant to bolster jobs in the U.S. and stimulate economic growth, a lower corporate tax cut would further contribute to a $4.6 trillion added deficit if the TCJA is fully extended.
Lowering the corporate tax rate was meant to fuel U.S. investment and boost wages for U.S. workers. But after the TCJA was enacted, the majority of workers – those within the 90th percentile of a firm’s income distribution – didn’t see a change in earnings, according to a joint study from JCT and Federal Reserve economists.
With lowered tax liabilities and increased cash at hand, many corporations have instead bought back stock, which has largely benefited shareholders and investors.
S&P 500 annual buyback executions
This graph shows a rising trend of S&P 500 stock repurchases YOY. Source: Bloomberg.
Barring the 2020 recession, there has been an incremental rise in S&P 500 annual buybacks since the TCJA was enacted. By 2025, U.S. corporate buybacks are projected to hit $1 trillion, according to Goldman Sachs Global Investment Research.
Some argue that stock buybacks are not necessarily a bad thing, if the cash returned to shareholders is reinvested elsewhere, or if the company makes simultaneous investments in capital and research and development (R&D). Others contend that this practice favors wealthy individuals and widens the equity gap.
Pass-through income deduction
The TCJA enacted section 199A, which provides individuals a deduction of up to 20% of qualifying business income (QBI) from domestic businesses operated in a pass-through form, such as partnerships, sole proprietorships, S-corporations, trusts, and estates.
There are some limitations, including:
- The deduction phases out above certain income levels for specific trades or businesses, such as health, law, accounting, consulting, and financial services.
- The deduction is limited based either on wages paid or wages paid plus certain capital expenditures.
- These limitations do not apply to owners whose incomes are below a certain threshold – and they phase in above that threshold.
The purpose of the deduction was to grant tax relief to pass-through businesses owners in the same way that the TCJA reduced the tax burden for C-corporations. While the corporate tax cut was made permanent, the section 199A deduction is temporary and will expire at the end of 2025, unless Congress extends or alters this provision.
199A qualified business income deduction formula
The formula below illustrates the allowable qualified business income (QBI) deduction for tax years beginning after Dec. 31, 2017, and before Jan. 1, 2026.
Business expensing deductions
R&D amortization
Beginning in 2022, businesses must amortize domestic R&D expenses over five years and foreign R&D expenses over 15 years. They used to be able to deduct the full amount of R&D expenses each year, which is something many industry groups hope to return to.
The Wyden-Smith bill aims to restore immediate expensing. But to date, the legislation is languishing in the Senate due to a child tax credit “lookback” provision. The amortization requirement will remain in effect unless Congress modifies or repeals it.
Section 163(j) interest expense limitation
The TCJA included a provision to tighten adjusted taxable income (ATI) calculations, which went from earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation, and amortization (EBITDA), to earnings before interest and taxes (EBIT).
Since 2022, taxpayers can no longer add back depreciation and amortization to ATI, so interest deductions are currently limited to 30% of EBIT. Many have advocated for restoring the EBITDA measurement retroactively, especially those in industries such as manufacturing and real estate, which carry heavy debt loads and have high depreciation and amortization expenses.
Section 168(k) bonus depreciation
The TCJA raised the rate and established a phase-out schedule for bonus depreciation, under which businesses were able to claim a 100% depreciation deduction on qualifying property in the first year the asset was placed in service. Unless the law changes, the phase-out schedule, for qualified property other than long production period property and aircraft, is:
Bonus depreciation phase-out schedule
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How does the TCJA affect global businesses?
Prior to 2017, the U.S. had the third-highest effective corporate tax rate of G-20 countries, which led many companies to shift profits to lower tax rate countries overseas.
This erosion of the corporate tax base is estimated to lead to a 2.5% decline of corporate tax revenues by 2027, according to a CBO report.
To address base erosion and ensure that multinationals pay their fair share of taxes, the TCJA introduced three international provisions: Global intangible low-taxed income (GILTI), foreign-derived intangible income (FDII), and base erosion and anti-abuse tax (BEAT).
GILTI
GILTI is a global minimum tax that U.S. multinationals must pay on certain foreign net income. It is currently at a 10.5% rate. For tax years after 2025, effective GILTI tax rates will increase to 13.125%, unless otherwise modified.
FDII
FDII is a counterpart to GILTI, which incentivizes U.S. corporations to derive income from foreign sales by providing a tax deduction. FDII income is currently taxed at a 13.125% rate. Just like with GILTI, the FDII effective tax rate will increase after 2025 (to 16.4%), unless Congress acts.
BEAT
BEAT is a 10% additional tax – 11% for banks and dealers – over a 3% limit on base erosion payments. Currently, for BEAT calculations, a number of tax credits are considered good tax credits, such as the R&D and production tax credit (PTC), to offset liability.
Unless there is a legislative change, for tax years after 2025, BEAT will rise to 12.5% for businesses and 13.5% for bankers and dealers, with credits no longer applying.
TCJA vs. Pillar 2
Since the passage of the TCJA in 2017, there has been significant international tax reform. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) brokered Pillar 2, a global agreement that aims to curb base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS) through a 15% minimum tax on multinational enterprises (MNEs) that annually gross over 750 million euros.
Congress might look to the OECD’s Pillar 2 when deciding what to do about GILTI, FDII, and BEAT. If the TCJA’s three international provisions are kept at their current state, the CBO projects that it will cost $120 billion for GILTI and FDII and $21 billion for BEAT. Lawmakers might let all or some of the increases to go into effect, or they could do broader reforms.
Possible reforms to TCJA’s international provisions
Some lawmakers have discussed revising the expense allocation within GILTI, reducing the foreign tax credit (FTC), or allowing carryforwards for FTCs.
To better align GILTI with Pillar 2, Congress tried to convert GILTI to a per country system and raise the tax rate to 15% in the Build Back Better Act, which the House approved.
Biden’s proposed FY25 budget aims to replace FDII with other R&D incentives; however, FDII supporters want to keep it as is to prevent the tax increase. Biden’s pending budget request also proposes to replace BEAT with undertaxed profit rules (UTPR) to align with Pillar 2.
[Exclusive report: See our analysis on U.S. GILTI rules and Pillar 2, in addition to options that are available to address overlapping taxes. Download your free copy.]
How does the TCJA affect individuals?
The TCJA made significant changes to individual income taxes for nearly every income level, suspended the personal and dependent exemptions, and almost doubled the standard deduction – and adjusted the amounts for inflation, so that fewer people would have to itemize deductions. Below breaks down key tax provisions for individuals in more detail.
Individual tax rates
The TCJA changed the top marginal tax rates to 37% from 39.6% and adjusted the income ranges associated with each bracket. The following charts detail comparisons of pre- and post-TCJA rates for individual and joint filers.
Individual filer tax brackets before and after TCJA
Joint filer tax brackets before and after TCJA
Standard deductions
The standard deduction was nearly doubled when the TCJA went into effect in 2018. This simplified the filing process for many individual and joint filers and reduced the need for itemized deductions. At the end of 2025, this amount could go back to pre-2017 levels.
Standard deductions before and after TCJA
Estate and gift taxes
The TCJA retained a 40% rate but doubled the estate tax exemption to $11.2 million (individual filers) and $22.4 million (married filing jointly), with the exemption amounts indexed for inflation annually.
Alternative minimum tax
The TCJA temporarily raised the exemption levels and income threshold for which the alternative minimum tax (AMT) phases out. Indexed for inflation, the exemption amount for individual filers for tax year 2025 is $88,100 and begins to phase out at $626,350, and for joint filers the exemption amount is $137,000 and phases out at $1,252,700.
SALT deductions
The TCJA capped state and local tax (SALT) deductions at $10,000 through the end of 2025. Lawmakers from California, New York, and other high-tax states have tried to remove the cap since 2018, reporting that their constituents are disproportionately affected.
Trump has stated he supports removing the cap. However, Republican lawmakers have pushed back, saying that it subsidizes spending in primarily Democratic-leaning states.
Prior to 2017, there was no limit on SALT deductions – although there were measures in place, such as AMT, to ensure that high income earners didn’t use deductions or loopholes to reduce their federal tax liability to zero.
Child tax credit
The TCJA doubled the child tax credit (CTC) to $2,000 per child under the age of 17. The CTC was again raised during the pandemic to $3,600 per child, which helped lift half of children out of poverty, according to 2020 census data.
Vice president-elect JD Vance has suggested expanding the child tax credit to $5,000. However, there is disagreement over the CTC among Republican leadership.
Sen. Mike Crapo (R-Idaho), the new Senate Finance Committee chair, blocked the $78 billion business-and-child tax break bill, also known as the Wyden-Smith bill, claiming that the child tax credit’s lookback provision was too generous. The lookback provision would allow families to use earnings from the previous tax year to calculate the credit.
Navigating tax policy with Bloomberg Tax
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